Monday, May 27, 2013

Re: [UAH] WBK: WHAT DO YOU THINK OF MWENDA'S ARTICLE ON TINYEFUNZA SAGA?

Neither am I,  but I detest M7 more I think.



On Mon, May 27, 2013 at 11:40 PM, Ocen Nekyon <ocennekyon@gmail.com> wrote:
Frank;

I am no fan of Gen Sejusa but the tie in's do not add up for me.

Ocen

Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.

From: Frank Mujabi
Sent: Monday, May 27, 2013 18:24 PM
Subject: Re: [UAH] WBK: WHAT DO YOU THINK OF MWENDA'S ARTICLE ON TINYEFUNZA

SAGA?

Ocen

Facts are really getting cooked badly because frankly 99% of the population would like to
get rid of this dictator,  so why bore us with just one man.




On Mon, May 27, 2013 at 8:53 PM, Ocen Nekyon <ocennekyon@gmail.com> wrote:
This is often referred to as building a narrative against an opponent.  looks like facts are getting cooked.


Ocen


Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.

From: daudi kasirye
Sent: Monday, May 27, 2013 09:53 PM
Subject: Re: [UAH] WBK: WHAT DO YOU THINK OF MWENDA'S ARTICLE ON TINYEFUNZA

SAGA?

Mwenda is today a bore....but he was at one time a real terror to M7.
Kind of like Tamale Mirundi.

On 5/27/13, WB Kyijomanyi <kyijomanyi@hotmail.com> wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Abbey:
>
>
> I never read the Independent anymore and when I do
> from this forum I almost always discount most of what it writes.
>
>
> Mwenda in this article is basically telling Ugandans
> what state house fed him. Sometimes he is so full of himself that he takes
> Ugandans for granted. So what do I think of Mwenda's article? GARBAGE.
>
>
> Mwenda is smearing General Ssejusa aware that the
> general is over there in London trying to figure out what next. Always
> remember
> that Mwenda-(he has other sidekicks who are for hire in Uganda and Rwanda
> too -
> is for hire.
>
>
> I know that General Daudi Ssejusa was a very close
> friend of the late Mr. Kevin Ogen Aliro (RIP). Try to find out Mwenda's
> relationship with the late to understand why Mwenda is writing those things
> about General Daudi Ssejusa. Notice how Mwenda refers to the Monitor repoet
> as
> "one Richard Wanambwa". Mwenda is still full of nnugu towards the
> Monitor for being kicked out by the owners. Ironically that decision gave
> him
> the chance to become a total sell out.
>
>
> Well either General Kale Kayihura 'walutwe' or there
> is something there. Why it is that General Kale Kayihura whose start was
> superb
> gets mentioned in all the machinations?
>
>
> What is 300 million in terms of mobilization? Nice
> how Mwenda is labouring to link Tinye to the corruption in OPM. NONSENSE.
>
>
> So Abbey, your friend Andrew Mujuni Mwenda is no
> longer a journalist, but a hit man who sold his soul to the highest bidders.
>
>
> He must be smiling at what is happening to the
> Monitor and Red Pepper. The Basoga (they always do) have a saying that
> "ekiri kumwino nekirungi okuwaaya/okuseeka".
>
>
>
>
>
> WBK
>
>
>
>
>
> Date: Mon, 27 May 2013 15:52:44 +0300
> Subject: Re: [UAH] WBK: WHAT DO YOU THINK OF MWENDA'S ARTICLE ON TINYEFUNZA
> SAGA?
> From: kwitonda4@gmail.com
> To: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com
>
> As usual, the dictator is panicking!! He thinks he is going to lose the seat
> next election.If he can mobilize within NRM,then what do those guys at the
> secretariat or kyadondo road doing? By the way, what is wrong with his
> mobilizing within the party? i thought it is health? Isnt MBABAZI also
> mobilizing?? Hasnt he got people within NRM who believe in him??
>
> This meeting want about mobilizing,, the man just got scared and to convice
> these Generals, he has to use subversion and therefore drivr to treason and
> that is what the dictator wants Tinye charged .
> Of course this Kale IS yes Man and will never question his boss. His
> antics again at play he sounded tough, a tactic to silence and to avoid many
> questions from those in attendence.
>
>
> On Mon, May 27, 2013 at 2:15 PM, Abbey Semuwemba <abbeysemuwemba@gmail.com>
> wrote:
>
>
>
> Tinyefuza Fallout
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Friday, 24 May 2013 07:20
>
>
> By Andrew M. Mwenda
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Intelligence information
> reveals the extent of the renegade general's fallout with the president
> and how the security bosses want to deal with the situation
> On
> April 30, 2013, President Yoweri Museveni summoned four top trusted
> aides to State House for an emergency meeting. Among them was the
> Inspector General of Police, Lt. Gen. Kale Kayihura; the Chief of
> Defense Forces, Gen. Aronda Nyakairima; the Commander of the Special
> Forces Command (SFC), Brig. Muhoozi Keinerugaba and the Chief of
> Military Intelligence CMI), Brig. Charles Bakahumura.
>
>
>
>
> According to sources at State House, the generals did not wait long
> as is usually the case. They were immediately ushered into for audience
> with the president. They found Museveni in a tough mood. Sounding
> impatient, he immediately kicked off the subject without any
> pleasantries: Gen. David Tinyefuza.
>
>
>
> Do
> you know what he has been up to? Taken by surprise and before they
> could forge answers (Kayihura was about to leap to his feet to say
> something), the President laid his case on the table.
> I have
> been receiving reports about some activities by Tinyefuza – some of them
> political and dangerous but many of them military and quasi-military
> and actually criminal, Museveni said. First, the president went on, he
> has been trying to mobilize politically within NRM.
> From the
> information I have been getting, he wants to be a contender for
> leadership inside the party. Secondly, he has also been doing something
> in the UPDF [Uganda People's Defense Forces]; mobilizing veterans, Iraq
> returnees and some elements within the army for actions that could
> amount to subversion of security and treason.
> Although
> he changed his name to Sejusa, throughout the meeting he was being (and
> therefore throughout this article will be) referred to as Tinyefuza.
> Kayihura was the first to respond. The police, Kayihura reportedly said,
> had also been following some activities of Tinyefuza, which they considered
> 'subversive.'
>
>
> However,
> the IGP added, the problem was that a lot of what the renegade general
> was doing was being orchestrated using his office as Coordinator of
> Intelligence Services. This, Kayihura reasoned, was making it difficult
> to separate what may be official work from unofficial activities.
> I have
> been suspecting him of being up to something fishy, Kayihura is said to
> have told the president, I was only holding back only for a while
> wondering whether I should bring my concerns to your attention when my
> information was still premature. What you have told us confirms my
> initial suspicion.
> "The president was quick and decisive," an aide inside State House told The
> Independent,
> "he immediately ordered that the officers in the meeting go and form a
> committee, study the situation and put in place measures "to stop
> Tinyefuza in his tracks."
> I want all
> the people he has been using arrested immediately and interrogated,
> Museveni is said to have instructed the generals at the meeting. Once we
> have all the facts, we can call in Tinyefuza for questioning on what
> exactly he has been up to. For now, monitor all his movements to ensure
> that he does not run away, the President reportedly said.
> With that
> instruction, the meeting ended. As Aronda, Kayihura, Bakahumura and
> Muhoozi got out of the meeting, another general was ushered into
> audience with the president. It was Gen. Salim Saleh a.k.a Caleb
> Akandwanaho. Saleh had been the person behind Tinyefuza's
> rehabilitation. After he fell out with the system in 1996, it is Saleh
> who reconciled him with the president and the UPDF High Command. Saleh
> was up till this time unsure what the meeting with his elder brother was
> all about.
> "Saleh,"
> Museveni is said to have called out even before the general had taken to
> his sit, "This Tinyefuza of yours. He has not changed. He has gone back
> to his old ways." Saleh was still trying to establish what was going on
> when Museveni laid the facts he had on the table: political
> mobilization and military subversion – that is what Tinyefuza is
> involved in. Saleh reportedly listened in stunned silence and only
> gasped two words: Jesus Christ!
> Museveni
> said many NRM mobilisers were coming to him saying Tinyefiza was holding
> meetings with them directly or through his appointed agents. Tinyefuza,
> Museveni is said to have told Saleh, had not informed anyone of this
> political mobilization. Amama Mbabazi, the NRM Secretary General, did
> not know. The chairman of the party, Museveni did not know.
> As
> coordinator of Intelligence Services, he had not informed the heads of
> the International and External Security Organisations (ISO or ESO),
> which are under him. Instead, he reportedly instructed NRM cadres using
> official funds to his office to go and mobilize people for 2016 but also
> telling them to omit the name of the president.
> Museveni
> is also said to have told Saleh that to some mobilisers, Tinyefuza
> directly instructed them to leave Museveni's name out. To a few others,
> he directly asked them to mention him as a 'potential presidential
> candidate.' Some of our people are saying he asked them to suggest his
> name to weigh how the public can treat it if he was to run, the
> president reportedly said.
> Of major
> concern, the president went on telling his brother, was that Tinyefuza
> had bulldozed the intelligence organizations under him to allocate Shs
> 300m a month to his office as coordinator of intelligence – a kind of
> monthly stipend. He was thus drawing on this money to run his
> mobilization activities whose purpose was personal political promotion.
> In effect, the intelligence services have inadvertently been financing
> treason.
> Briefly,
> Museveni added, Tinyefuza has been organizing deserters, Iraqi returnees
> and civilians with military potential under the guise of intelligence
> operations. According to Museveni, Tinyefuza would send those guys
> around to collect information on strength, combat readiness and morale
> of UPDF with special interest in Special Forces Command (SFC),
> especially armored brigade, mechanized units, air defenseetc, which are
> strategically critical. Some of the people he was using are said to
> have reported back to Museveni about these incidents.
> On hearing
> that, Saleh was said to have got furious. Sources close to him say he
> felt a deep sense of betrayal. I've given up on that man, he is said to
> have told the president. Saleh, his friends say, told Museveni that
> Tinyefuza was not looking at a political struggle. He must be
> calculating that his actions would precipitate a military uprising
> inside UPDF.
> But this
> is a nonstarter since he has been out of the mainstream UPDF for almost
> 20 years and is therefore no familiar with the young commanders in
> charge of units and brigades, Saleh reasoned. So what exactly is driving
> him? Madness!
> By this
> time, it seems Tinyefuza had smelt a rat, sensing that someone was on
> his heels. Information had leaked to him that Museveni was following his
> activities. Or some of the people who had been informing the president
> of his activities seem to have also double-crossed the president and
> told Tinyefuza about it.
> It seems
> that on the basis of this, the renegade general took advantage of a
> pending trip abroad to go away and watch the developments from a
> distance before he decides whether to return and face the music or stay
> away in exile completely.
> The Independent
> has been unable to reach Tinyefuza to verify these allegations against
> him. Did he travel out of the country on a planned trip? Or had he smelt
> a rat and escaped just in time? Did he author the letter on a possible
> 'Muhoozi project' before Museveni ordered an investigation into his
> activities or did he author it afterwards to win public sympathy? Until
> Tinyefuza speaks and both sides of the matter are represented, it is
> difficult to judge.
> Analysts
> wonder whether it is possible for Tinyefuza to have begun such political
> mobilization or even security subversion. Was he so reckless as to
> attempt a military uprising inside UPDF by using the accusation of a
> 'Muhoozi project'? If a military uprising is difficult, did he ever
> think he has a chance to precipitate a political uprising inside NRM?
> Tinyefuza's
> allies inside Uganda blame his woes on Kayihura. They accuse the
> inspector general of police of witch-hunting him because of some
> "dialectical wounds" the now renegade general has inflicted on Kayihura.
> However, in an interview with The Independent, Kayihura denied
> any personal hostility towards Tinyefuza, saying that in fact the
> reverse is the case. "Tinyefuza has always had a grudge against me," he
> said, "And I don't know why. I have always treated him as a comrade."
> Apparently, intelligence reports seen by The Independent
> are conflicting. One of them claims that Tinyefuza went abroad but when
> he heard that security organizations were raiding his office, he sent
> an email to a Daily Monitor reporter, one Richard Wanambwa, with the now
> famous letter addressed to the DG of ISO, Col. Ronnie Balya. The other
> intelligence report claims that Tinyefuza gave the letter to Wanambwa
> when he was still in Uganda with instructions to print it immediately he
> was out of harm's way.
> Whatever
> the truths in these reports, sources say immediately after the meeting
> with Museveni, Kayihura, Bakahumura, Aronda and Muhoozi left State
> House. As instructed, they are said to have formed a joint committee
> comprising the Police Flying Squad, CMI, ISO and SFC.
> The
> committee was mandated to raid Tinyefuza's offices, apprehend
> individuals who had been named consistently as working with him and
> interrogate them for more information. The first question for the
> committee to answer was: How long did Tinyefuza spend on this
> Tinyefuza-for-president project?
> According
> to current intelligence reports, it is hard to know when he began. Some
> of the information shows it begun in January, others date it to as far
> as February while most of them say March 2013. What is clear from
> intelligence information The Independent has seen, is that the first signals
> to the president and to police began in January.
> However,
> it seems key people in the system had advised the president to ignore
> Tinyefuza when he began writing a couple of letters to the press
> regarding current developments in the politics of the country. Tinyefuza
> may have seen this as a signal of weakness. So he upped the ante.
> Search for attention
>
>
> But why
> had Tinyefuza, hitherto occupying a senior and sensitive job, begun to
> turn against the system? Sources say that since 2011, Museveni had
> progressively sidelined him from the decision-making process. Sources
> say Tinyefuza had realized that his letters to the president were not
> being answered.
> His calls
> were not being returned. Feeling increasingly isolated and ignored,
> intelligence analysts say Tinyefuza sought relevance. Was this really a
> desperate act to gain the attention of the president? Most unlikely, but
> also to take a jab at Muhoozi and Kayihura.
> Towards
> the end of 2012, Kayihura allied with Muhoozi to launch probably the
> most far-reaching corruption crackdown in the history of NRM. The
> suspects were civil servants working in the ministry of public service.
> They were accused by a police investigation of stealing up to Shs 340
> billion.
> Muhoozi
> felt this level of theft had national security implications. What if the
> accused used this ill-gotten wealth to finance a rebellion or political
> movement against the government? During the investigation that
> followed, it was alleged that the leading person in the theft, the
> Principal Accountant in the Ministry of Public Service, Christopher
> Obeyi, was a close friend of Tinyefuza. Intelligence sources alleged
> that Obeyi was being protected by the general. Kayihura took note.
> Meanwhile,
> after Museveni's meeting with the generals at State House, the joint
> intelligence committee had moved forth and apprehended four key persons
> who had been working with Tinyefuza. One of these is James Karuhanga
> Nayebare a.k.a Kariite. He had been working in Tinyefuza's office as a
> security officer.
> Apparently,
> intelligence reports say, he is also a relative to the renegade
> general, a nephew of sorts. He was the leader of the team that Tinyefuza
> had detailed to carry out recruitment within the army and gathered
> information about troop strength and readiness. Nayebare reported
> directly to Tinyefuza and from the reports, he seems to have been the
> most critical person in the general's political and security schemes.
> The second
> person arrested was a one Abel Twine'matsiko aka Kachwagire. He is
> reported in intelligence reports as a deserter from UPDF who left in
> 2003. After that, he went to Iraq to work as a security guard and
> returned to Uganda in 2008.
> He was
> arrested for desertion, tried and sentenced to two years in prison,
> which he served in Luzira. He was released in 2010 and began a
> construction company called Kats Ltd. Intelligence reports say this
> company was building valley dams in Ngoma, Sembabule and Kyankwanzi.
> Twine'matsiko
> is said to have been contacted by Nayebare in March 2013. Nayebare told
> Twine'matsiko that Tinyefuza wanted some "boys" to do some work for
> him. According to Twine'matsiko's revelations, he thought this meant
> doing guard duty at Tinyefuza's home. However, after joining he was
> informed it was aimed at gathering information on some UPDF units. He
> was also tasked torecruit some soldiers from these units.
> The third
> person to be arrested and interrogated was Moses Nuwagaba. He said to
> have been recruited by Nayebare and employed by Tinyefuza in the office
> of the Coordinator of Intelligence. His duties were to act as an officer
> in charge of civil military relations.
> He holds a BA in Education. He was working at a coffee factory in a Kampala
> surbur. According to the report The Independent
> has seen, he was employed as a secretary. This was in February 2013.
> When he went to work, he was told that he would not be a secretary but a
> civil military relations officer with tasks for political mobilization
> of the masses.
> In his
> testimony to intelligence, Nuwagaba claimed that he attended meetings
> with Nayebare and Kachwagure in which they discussed getting information
> from UPDF soldiers on the number of tanks, infantry fighting vehicles,
> and air defense pieces deployed in different strategic locations.
> The fourth
> suspect is Frank Ninsiima. He is a deserter from the UPDF. He was
> arrested for desertion in 2009, served a two year jail term after which
> he was dismissed with disgrace from the army. He was recruited in March
> 2013 by Nayebare and given a job in Tinyefuza's office as security
> officer.
> He was
> also sponsored to attend a driving school fully paid by the office of
> coordinator of Intelligence Services. Nayebare briefed him to start
> recruiting his former friends from the units in which he served for
> "future plans," which the report claims meant staging a coup.
> After
> interrogation, the testimonies of these four key witnesses produced
> evidence that shows both attempts at political mobilization and military
> subversion. Intelligence reports are filled with details of attempts by
> Tinyefuza to infiltrate army units and secure sensitive information.
> However,
> these reports are thin on one critical issue: who was Tinyefuza working
> with? There are no top names of army officials who seem to have been
> working with him on such a plot. So if he had wanted to use this
> information to stage a military coup, who were going to be his allies?
> Was this to be a one-man coup? Is Tinyefuza so stupid as to plan
> something like that alone?
> However, although The Independent
> has seen copies of interrogation reports, it has not interviewed the
> accused persons or Tinyefuza. Did they reveal all this? If yes, was it
> on their free will devoid of duress or torture? Could they have been
> bribed by security to pin Tinyefuza?
> With the
> general still abroad and unable to speak, it is difficult to
> independently confirm allegations against him. What is certain is that
> government is building a case against him. Should he return to Uganda,
> he will certainly have a lot of questions to answer.
> Just before going to press, The Independent
> got information that a meeting of security chiefs agreed that
> Tinyefuzawill not be arrested upon arrival at the airport. This decision
> has reportedly been approved by the president. However, measures have
> been put in place that once he returns and settles down, he will be
> called to police for questioning.
> Will
> government proceed to charge him and try him in the civilian courts of
> law or a Military Court Martial? What would be the implication of such
> action? Will Tinyefuza not turn the court into a political rostrum? If
> yes, how much damage will he cause the regime if he decides to spill
> security secrets or even make wild political allegations? And what will
> be the effect of his trial on his political standing?
> Will it
> cause his star to raise and help him to emerge as a hero who sacrificed
> jail or even a death sentence to defy the system? Or will he sink into
> political oblivion? For now, it is not easy to find ready answers to
> these questions but what is clear is that how each side plays its cards
> may have powerful implications on the future of the Museveni presidency.
> --
> Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba
>
> Stalk my blog at: http://semuwemba.com/
>
> Follow me on Twitter: http://twitter.com/#!/semuwemba
>
> Join me on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/abbey.k.semuwemba
> '"The three separate branches of government were developed as a check and
> balance for one another. It is within the court's duty to ensure that power
> is never condense[d] into a single branch of government." - Judge Anna Diggs
> Taylor
>
>
>
>
>



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